So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer – regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.
讓我們先來談談未來，以及美國需要回答的四個大問題——無論下一屆美國總統(tǒng)是誰，無論哪個黨派掌控國會。

First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?
首先，我們如何在新經濟中給每個人公平的機會和保障？

Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us – especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?
第二，我們如何讓技術為我們服務，而不是與我們對抗——尤其是面臨氣候變化這樣急需應對的挑戰(zhàn)的時候？

Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?
第三，我們如何保障美國的安全，同時，在不充當世界警察的前提下，引領整個世界？

And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?
最后，我們如何制定政策，使其反映出美國的好，而不是美國的惡？

Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.
我先說說經濟，基本的事實是這樣的：現在，在全球范圍內，美國經濟是最為強大且堅固的?？v觀歷史，我們現在處于私營部門連續(xù)創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機會最長的一段時期中。我們創(chuàng)造了逾1400萬個新的就業(yè)崗位；這是自20世紀90年代以來就業(yè)增長最為強勁的兩年；失業(yè)率下降了一半。汽車行業(yè)也創(chuàng)造了最輝煌的一年。在過去的六年里，制造業(yè)創(chuàng)造了將近90萬個新的就業(yè)崗位。而且，我們在取得這些成績的同時，還將赤字減少了近四分之三.

Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true – and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious – is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up. Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.
任何聲稱美國經濟正在衰落的說法都是在傳播虛構事實。實際情況——同時也是許多美國人感到焦慮的原因——是美國經濟正在經歷巨大變革，而且這變革早在大蕭條發(fā)生之前就已經開始，到現在還沒有結束。今天，能夠被高科技取代的工作崗位并不僅限于生產線，還包括任何可以實現自動化的崗位。在經濟全球化中，公司可以落戶于世界任何地方，也會面臨更加激烈的競爭。其結果是，雇員要求加薪的籌碼變少。公司對其所在群體的忠誠度更低。同時，越來越多的財富和收入積聚到社會頂層階級手中。

All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.
這些變化趨勢擠壓了雇員的生存空間，即使他們擁有工作，即使美國經濟一直在增長。工薪家庭想要通過努力工作，擺脫貧困，年輕人想要開創(chuàng)自己的事業(yè)，雇員想要適時退休，都已經不太容易。雖然面臨這些變革的不只有美國，但是這些的確違背了獨有的美國式信念，那就是，任何努力工作的人都應當得到公平待遇。

For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.
在過去的七年中，我們的目標一直都是，保持經濟增長，以造福每一個人。我們已經取得了一些進步。但是，我們需要繼續(xù)努力。盡管在過去的一些年中，我們有過許多政治上的爭論，但是在一些領域，我們取得了普遍的共識。

We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.
我們一致認為，真正的機會在于每一個美國人都能獲得能夠必要的教育及培訓，讓他們能夠勝任一份收入理想的工作。“不讓一個孩子掉隊”的兩黨改革政策，就是一個重要的開端，同時，我們加強了兒童早期教育，進一步提高了高中畢業(yè)率，使工程學等專業(yè)畢業(yè)生得以增長。未來，我們要以這些成績?yōu)榛A，通過普及全民早教，讓所有學生都接受計算機實踐和數學課程培訓，為他們將來步入職場做好準備。同時，我們要為孩子們招錄更多優(yōu)秀的教師，并給予這些教師更好的待遇。

And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.
同時，我們要讓每個美國人都能上得起大學。因為，勤奮的學生不應該因為貧困被擋在校門之外。我們已經將助學貸款的還款額降至借款人收入的10%。接下來，我們需要降低大學費用。兩年制的社區(qū)大學將為每一位有責任感的學生提供免費教育，這是降低大學費用最理想的方式之一。我會不斷努力讓這個方案在今年啟動。

Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build.
當然，在新經濟中，我們所需要的不僅僅是優(yōu)質的教育。我們還需要能夠提供基本生活保障的福利和保護措施。如果說在座的各位，是美國為數不多的能夠在同一個地方從事同一份工作30年，還能獲得健康和養(yǎng)老保障的人，也不算夸張。而對于其他人，特別是四五十歲的美國人來說，為退休后的生存點錢或是在失業(yè)后重振旗鼓，已經越來越困難。大家都認識到，在他們職業(yè)生涯的某個時刻，他們不得不重新接受培訓，重新學習技能。但是，他們不應當失去他們這么多年辛勤工作所獲得的東西。

That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.
這也是社會保障及醫(yī)療保險制度在今天尤為重要的原因；它們不該被弱化，而應進一步加強。對于退休年齡較晚的美國人，基本福利應與當今的其他事物一樣盡可能移動化。這就是《平價醫(yī)療法案》的意義所在，這個法案旨在填補基于雇主的醫(yī)療保險系統(tǒng)的空缺，我們失業(yè)、返校求學或創(chuàng)業(yè)時，依然能享受醫(yī)療保障。目前為止，已有近1800萬人受益。醫(yī)療費用通脹也有所緩解。自法案實施起，我們的企業(yè)每個月都能創(chuàng)造新的工作崗位。

Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job – we shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.
我想我們在短期內還無法就醫(yī)療保險制度達成共識。但兩黨可以在改進經濟保障制度的問題上采取一些新的措施。假設一位辛勤工作的美國人丟了工作，我們不該僅僅確保他能獲得失業(yè)保險，而應確保這個制度能夠支持他接受再培訓以勝任新的工作。如果這份新工作的報酬不如上一份工作，那么就該有薪酬保障制度保證他能養(yǎng)活自己。即使他一直在換工作，也還能為退休儲蓄并能支配自己的積蓄。這就是我們讓大家更好地受益于新經濟的方式。

I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.
我知道國會眾議院發(fā)言人保羅?瑞恩提到過他對解決貧困問題的看法。美國是一個會給每個愿意工作的人機會的國家，我歡迎大家提出可行性戰(zhàn)略，如為無子女低收入人群減稅的方案。

But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years – namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.
但在過去七年里還有其他難以達成一致的領域，比如，政府應該扮演怎樣的角色，才能保證制度不向最富有的財團和大公司傾斜。在此，美國人民需要做出選擇。

I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.
蓬勃發(fā)展的私營經濟是我們國家經濟的命脈。我認為，其有些過時的規(guī)則需要改變，有些繁文縟節(jié)需要摒棄。在企業(yè)連續(xù)多年利潤破紀錄之后，如果讓大銀行、石油巨頭或對沖基金制定只對自己有利的規(guī)則，或者允許對集體談判的攻擊置之不理，工薪階層就無法獲得更多機會和更多薪水。引發(fā)經濟危機的不是那些領食物券的人，而是華爾街那些魯莽行事的人。移民人口不是阻礙薪酬上漲的原因；那些決議是由董事會的人提出的，他們經常將季度分紅看得比長期回報還重?？梢钥隙ǖ氖?，正在看我演講的普通家庭不會通過離岸賬戶避稅。在新經濟的形勢下，工人、新興企業(yè)和小型企業(yè)需要更多發(fā)言權。規(guī)則應該使他們受益。今年，我計劃激勵那些善待工人的企業(yè)，這些企業(yè)明白只有善待工人才能讓股東、顧客和所在群體最終受益，這樣我們才能在全美推行這種良策。