While on vacation in distant locales, people often find that time moves quite differently than in the places they’re used to. In the tropics, we settle into the grooves of “island time” and relax thanks to a more leisurely rhythm. A trip to a big city can leave us exhilarated but also drained by the energetic whir of life there. The different paces of different communities also seem to be connected to other cultural characteristics. Robert Levine and his colleagues have studied the speed of life in cities around the world and across the U.S. In a series of experiments they measured how fast solitary pedestrians in a downtown core covered a distance of 60 feet (being careful to exclude those who are obviously window shopping), timed how long it took to complete a simple commercial transaction, and recorded the accuracy of randomly selected clocks in the downtown business area. They found that places with a faster pace of life also had more robust economies (as measured by GDP per capita, average purchasing power, and average caloric intake), and that people in larger cities tended to move faster than those in less populated areas. They also found truth to the stereotype that people move slower in hotter places. So as you might expect, fast-moving people are associated with fast-moving economies. But does that faster life translate into greater happiness? In faster places (specifically, economically developed areas of North America, Western Europe, and Asia), people were more likely to smoke, less likely to take the time to help strangers in need, and more likely to die from coronary heart disease. Yet Levine and his colleagues found that residents in faster places tended to report feeling somewhat happier with their lives than those who lived in slower places. A city’s pace of life was indeed “significantly related” to the physical, social, and psychological well-being of its inhabitants. Perhaps the higher reported rates of happiness simply reflect the fact that faster places have more robust economies. But the relationship between income and reported happiness is far from obvious. According to the “Easterlin paradox” (named after economist Richard Easterlin), once people have enough money to meet their basic needs, having more money is not necessarily correlated with higher self-reported happiness. Easterlin’s claims are controversial and not universally accepted; even if his theory is correct, wealthier nations might be happier overall if they address the basic needs to more of their people. In any case, the ongoing debate indicates that we need to tread carefully when making connections between happiness and overall economic factors. Among individuals in a society, busyness—or the feeling of busyness—seems to be an important factor in well-being. That feeling of busyness—of having a lot to do and too little time in which to do itis often associated with stress and anxiety. However in many contexts being “busy” is badge of honor: Busy parents are seen as devoted to their children’s well-being, the busy real estate agent must be closing lots of sales, and the busy lawyer can charge a premium hourly rate. In US studies, the happiest people reported that they were busy, in the sense that they had little excess time, yet did not feel rushed. Like big-city dwellers, they seemed to thrive at a faster pace. Levine’s work raises the intriguing possibility that an individual’s feelings about their use of time contribute as much or more to their happiness as does economics. Now the big challenge is to find out which way the causal chain works: Does the feeling of being active, yet not rushed, contribute to happiness? Or does happiness allow people to perceive their use of time in positive ways? |
據(jù)科技雜志Nautilus報(bào)道,當(dāng)人們?nèi)ミh(yuǎn)方度假時(shí),往往會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)時(shí)間過(guò)得與平時(shí)很不一樣。熱帶地區(qū)悠閑的節(jié)奏讓我們習(xí)慣于“島上的時(shí)間”,過(guò)得更加放松。去大城市令人興奮,卻也被充滿(mǎn)活力的快節(jié)奏生活弄得筋疲力盡。 群體間不同的生活節(jié)奏是與他們的文化有關(guān)的。羅伯特?萊文和他的同事們對(duì)全球各個(gè)城市和美國(guó)各地的生活節(jié)奏做了一個(gè)調(diào)查。通過(guò)一系列的實(shí)驗(yàn),他們計(jì)算出了每個(gè)城市里的人走過(guò)60英尺需要的時(shí)間(他們仔細(xì)地將其中明顯是在逛街的人排除在外),計(jì)算了一樁買(mǎi)賣(mài)成交需要的時(shí)間,并且記錄了在中心商業(yè)區(qū)隨機(jī)挑選的時(shí)鐘的準(zhǔn)確性。他們發(fā)現(xiàn)節(jié)奏快的地方往往是那些經(jīng)濟(jì)更加發(fā)達(dá)的地方(通過(guò)對(duì)比人均GDP、平均購(gòu)買(mǎi)力還有平均熱量攝入),并且人們?cè)诖蟪鞘欣锉仍谌丝谏俚牡胤阶叩酶?。他們也發(fā)現(xiàn)了人們?cè)跓岬牡胤阶叩酶@一慣例。 正如你所想象的那樣,快節(jié)奏的人們和高速增長(zhǎng)的經(jīng)濟(jì)相關(guān)。但是快節(jié)奏的生活就意味著幸福么?在快節(jié)奏的地方(尤其是經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū),如北美、西歐和亞洲),更多的人抽煙,更少的人會(huì)去幫助那些需要幫助的人,并且更容易死于冠心病。但是萊文和他的同事們發(fā)現(xiàn),在快節(jié)奏城市生活的人覺(jué)得自己比那些生活在慢節(jié)奏城市的人更加幸福。一個(gè)城市的生活節(jié)奏明顯與居民的身體健康、社會(huì)意識(shí)和心理狀態(tài)息息相關(guān)。 也許更高的幸福指數(shù)反應(yīng)出了這樣一個(gè)事實(shí):快節(jié)奏的城市擁有更好的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展。但是收入與幸福指數(shù)間的關(guān)系并不明顯。根據(jù)伊斯特林悖論(以經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家理查德?伊斯特林的名字命名),一旦人們擁有足夠的錢(qián)滿(mǎn)足基本的生活需求,收入與幸福指數(shù)關(guān)聯(lián)得并不緊密。伊斯特林悖論存在著爭(zhēng)議也沒(méi)有被普遍接受,盡管他的理論是對(duì)的,在滿(mǎn)足了更多人們的基本生活需求時(shí),總的來(lái)說(shuō)更富有的國(guó)家幸福指數(shù)會(huì)高些。無(wú)論如何,依舊持續(xù)著的爭(zhēng)議告訴我們將幸福指數(shù)和整體經(jīng)濟(jì)因素進(jìn)行關(guān)聯(lián)時(shí)需要多加小心。 對(duì)社會(huì)中的個(gè)體來(lái)說(shuō),忙碌——或者感覺(jué)忙碌——似乎是影響狀態(tài)的重要因素。忙碌的感覺(jué)——有很多的事情要做,卻沒(méi)有多少時(shí)間的感覺(jué)經(jīng)常帶來(lái)壓力與焦慮。但在很多的情況下,忙碌是一個(gè)光榮的標(biāo)志:忙碌的父母被認(rèn)為是為了讓孩子過(guò)得好;忙碌的房地產(chǎn)經(jīng)紀(jì)人則與客戶(hù)更加親密;忙碌的律師的時(shí)薪也更高。在美國(guó)的調(diào)查發(fā)現(xiàn),幸福指數(shù)最高的人都很忙,也就意味著他們沒(méi)有多余的時(shí)間,也不覺(jué)得匆忙。就好像大城市的居民們,他們似乎喜歡更快的生活節(jié)奏。 萊文的研究顯示了對(duì)時(shí)間利用的個(gè)人感覺(jué)可能比經(jīng)濟(jì)更加影響幸福指數(shù)。現(xiàn)在的問(wèn)題時(shí)需要找出這樣的影響是怎樣發(fā)生的:是因?yàn)槌鋵?shí)并不匆忙的感覺(jué)令人幸福?還是幸福讓人們更加積極地利用他們的時(shí)間? (譯者 winni0713 編輯 丹妮) |