國務院新聞辦公室12月20日發(fā)表《“一國兩制”下香港的民主發(fā)展》白皮書。全文如下：

“一國兩制”下香港的民主發(fā)展
Hong Kong
Democratic Progress Under the Framework of One Country, Two Systems

（2021年12月）
中華人民共和國
國務院新聞辦公室
The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China
December 2021

目錄
Contents

前言
Preamble

一、香港在英國殖民統(tǒng)治下沒有民主可言
I. Under British Colonial Rule There Was No Democracy in Hong Kong

二、回歸祖國開啟了香港民主的新紀元
II. The Return of Hong Kong to China Ushered in a New Era for Democracy

三、中央政府堅定支持香港特別行政區(qū)民主向前發(fā)展
III. The Central Government Is Committed to Developing Democracy in Hong Kong

四、反中亂港勢力阻撓破壞香港特別行政區(qū)民主發(fā)展
IV. Anti-China Agitators Undermine and Disrupt Democracy in Hong Kong

五、香港特別行政區(qū)民主發(fā)展重回正軌
V. Development of Democracy in Hong Kong Is Back on Track

六、香港特別行政區(qū)民主發(fā)展前景光明
VI. The Prospects Are Bright for Democracy in Hong Kong

結束語
Conclusion

前言
Preamble

香港在英國殖民統(tǒng)治之下沒有民主可言。中國政府對香港恢復行使主權，實行“一國兩制”方針，創(chuàng)建了香港特別行政區(qū)的民主制度，并在實踐中支持其不斷發(fā)展完善。中國共產(chǎn)黨和中國政府建立發(fā)展香港民主的決心、誠意以及付出的巨大努力一以貫之，有目共睹。
Under British colonial rule, there was no democracy in Hong Kong. After resuming the exercise of sovereignty, the Chinese government implemented the basic policy of One Country, Two Systems and established democracy in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It has since provided constant support to the region in developing its democratic system. The determination, sincerity, and efforts of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Chinese government to this end have remained consistent and are obvious to any objective observer.

一個時期以來，受各種內(nèi)外復雜因素影響，反中亂港活動猖獗，香港局勢一度出現(xiàn)嚴峻局面。香港反中亂港勢力勾連外部敵對勢力，屢屢阻撓香港特別行政區(qū)民主的發(fā)展。他們以爭取“民主”為名，行分裂國家、顛覆政權之實，意圖把香港變成實施“顏色革命”的橋頭堡，嚴重沖擊國家憲法和香港基本法確定的憲制秩序，危害國家安全，損害香港繁榮穩(wěn)定。
Hong Kong has faced an extended period of damaging social unrest caused by anti-China agitators both inside and outside the region. Over the years, those who attempt to overturn the new constitutional order and destabilize Hong Kong and the rest of China have colluded to obstruct the democratic process. On the pretext of “fighting for democracy”, they have attempted to stage a color revolution, split Hong Kong from China, and seize power there. Their attempts have gravely threatened the order established by the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (Constitution) and the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (Basic Law), thus endangering China’s national security and Hong Kong’s stability and prosperity.

中共十八大以來，習近平總書記就新形勢下堅持“一國兩制”方針等重大問題作出一系列重要論述，為推進“一國兩制”實踐行穩(wěn)致遠提供了根本遵循。習近平總書記指出，香港特別行政區(qū)的民主發(fā)展必須遵循“一國兩制”方針和香港基本法，從本地實際出發(fā)，依法有序進行。針對近年來香港出現(xiàn)的政治亂象及其造成的嚴重危害，中國共產(chǎn)黨和中央政府審時度勢，作出健全依照憲法和基本法對特別行政區(qū)行使全面管治權、完善同憲法和基本法實施相關制度機制的重大決策，推動建立健全香港特別行政區(qū)維護國家安全的法律制度和執(zhí)行機制，完善香港特別行政區(qū)選舉制度，堅定落實“愛國者治港”原則。這一系列標本兼治的舉措，推動香港局勢實現(xiàn)由亂到治的重大轉折，推動香港特別行政區(qū)民主發(fā)展重新回到正確軌道。中央政府將堅定不移、全面準確貫徹“一國兩制”方針，堅定不移支持香港特別行政區(qū)發(fā)展符合其憲制地位和實際情況的民主制度。
Since the 18th CPC National Congress in 2012, President Xi Jinping has emphasized on many occasions the importance of upholding the One Country, Two Systems policy in the new era. His observations provide the fundamental guidance for its sustained implementation. President Xi has pointed out that in developing democracy in Hong Kong, we must abide by the principle of One Country, Two Systems and the Basic Law and act in an orderly manner, in line with local realities and in accordance with the law. To put an end to the political turmoil of recent years and the serious damage it has caused in Hong Kong, the CPC and the Chinese government have taken a series of major decisions, based on a clear understanding of the situation in the region. These include strengthening the central authorities’ overall jurisdiction over the HKSAR in accordance with the Constitution and the Basic Law, improving the relevant systems and mechanisms to enforce the Constitution and the Basic Law, reinforcing the legal framework and supporting mechanisms for safeguarding national security in the HKSAR, and modifying the region’s electoral system, thereby laying the foundations for Hong Kong patriots to govern Hong Kong. These measures address both the symptoms and root causes of the unrest, and have restored order to Hong Kong, returning the democratic process to a sound footing. The Chinese government will continue to implement the principle of One Country, Two Systems fully and faithfully, and it will support Hong Kong in developing a democratic system that conforms to the region’s constitutional status and actual conditions.

發(fā)展完善香港特別行政區(qū)的民主，對保障香港居民民主權利、實現(xiàn)良政善治、確保香港長期繁榮穩(wěn)定和長治久安具有重大意義。全面回顧香港特別行政區(qū)民主的產(chǎn)生和發(fā)展歷程，進一步闡明中央政府對香港特別行政區(qū)民主發(fā)展的原則立場，目的是正本清源、撥亂反正、凝聚共識，繼續(xù)推動香港特別行政區(qū)民主穩(wěn)步向前發(fā)展，確保香港“一國兩制”實踐行穩(wěn)致遠，更好造福全體香港居民。
Developing and improving democracy in Hong Kong is of profound importance in safeguarding the democratic rights of the people, realizing good governance, and ensuring long-term prosperity, stability and security. A comprehensive review of the origin and development of democracy in the HKSAR, and the principles and position of the central government, will help clarify facts, set the record straight, and build consensus. It will further the orderly progress of democracy in Hong Kong, ensure the long-term implementation of One Country, Two Systems, and benefit all local residents.

一、香港在英國殖民統(tǒng)治下沒有民主可言
I. Under British Colonial Rule There Was No Democracy in Hong Kong

香港自古以來是中國領土。十九世紀二十年代，英國商人開始利用香港向中國內(nèi)地走私販賣鴉片。鴉片戰(zhàn)爭后，英國軍隊侵占香港島。1842年8月29日，英國強迫清政府簽訂中國近代史上第一個不平等條約——《南京條約》，割讓香港島。第二次鴉片戰(zhàn)爭后，英國迫使清政府于1860年10月24日簽訂《北京條約》，割讓九龍半島南端界限街以南的地區(qū)。中日甲午戰(zhàn)爭后，英國趁火打劫，強迫清政府于1898年6月9日簽訂《展拓香港界址專條》，強租“新界”地區(qū)99年，由此侵占整個香港地區(qū)。這三個不平等條約都是英國侵略中國的產(chǎn)物，中國人民和辛亥革命后歷屆中國政府從來不予承認。
Hong Kong has been a part of China’s territory since ancient times. In the 1820s, British merchants began smuggling opium into the mainland of China via Hong Kong Island.
After the First Opium War of 1840-1842, British troops occupied Hong Kong Island. On August 29, 1842, Britain forced the Qing government to sign the Treaty of Nanking, the first of the unequal treaties in China’s modern history, which ceded Hong Kong Island to Britain.
After the Second Opium War of 1856-1860, Britain forced the Qing government to sign the Beijing Convention on October 24, 1860, which ceded to the UK the part of Kowloon Peninsula south of present-day Boundary Street.
After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, Britain again forced the Qing government to sign the Convention Between Great Britain and China Respecting an Extension of Hong Kong Territory on June 9, 1898, by which the New Territories were leased to Britain for 99 years. The rental payment for this “l(fā)ease” was zero. As a result, Britain occupied the entire area that is now known as Hong Kong.
These three unequal treaties were imposed on China through British aggression. They were never recognized as valid by the Chinese people or by any Chinese government after the Revolution of 1911.

（一）英國對香港實行典型的殖民統(tǒng)治
1. Britain Exercised a Typical Colonial Rule over Hong Kong

英國直接委任總督代表英國管治香港，從未征詢港人意見?？偠街幌蛴撠?，完全聽命于英國政府，被授予在香港至高無上的權力和特權，不受當?shù)厝魏沃萍s，“領其轄內(nèi)一切事宜”，總攬行政、立法大權于一身，擁有對政府高級官員和法官的任免權，并兼任駐港英軍總司令。行政局和立法局只是總督?jīng)Q策和立法的咨詢機構，其成員經(jīng)英國政府批準后由總督委任，對總督負責?？偠郊仁切姓种飨?，也是立法局主席。直至1993年2月，總督才不再兼任立法局主席。一直到回歸以前，香港終審權和法律的最終解釋權都由英國樞密院司法委員會行使。
A governor was appointed to rule on behalf of Britain without the people of Hong Kong ever being consulted. He was answerable only to the British government and was entirely at its command. His paramount powers and prerogatives in Hong Kong were free of any checks and balances, and he took charge of “all things that belong to his said office”. He assumed all executive and legislative powers, and had the power to appoint and remove all senior government officials and judges. He also served as commander-in-chief of the British forces in Hong Kong.
The Executive Council and the Legislative Council, whose members were appointed by the governor with the approval of the British government and who answered to the governor, were merely advisory bodies on decision-making and lawmaking for the governor. The governor was president of both bodies. It was not until February 1993 that the governor no longer served concurrently as president of the Legislative Council.
Before Hong Kong’s return to China, the Judicial Committee of the British Privy Council exercised the power of final adjudication and the power of final interpretation of all laws in Hong Kong.

港英當局長期實行高壓政策，嚴密管控新聞出版，鉗制言論自由。1952年3月，《大公報》因轉載《人民日報》關于港英當局暴行的短評，被判刊載煽動性文字罪，受到罰款?？膰绤柼幜P。1967年8月，三家報紙因刊登呼吁香港同胞反抗鎮(zhèn)壓的文章，被港英當局以刊發(fā)欺詐性、煽動性文章為由封禁6個月，報社所有者和印刷商被判入獄三年。港英當局實行特務統(tǒng)治，利用英軍情報機構、警務處政治部對華人進行監(jiān)視，對心向祖國、與中國內(nèi)地聯(lián)系緊密的社會團體和民眾，采取各種手段打擊壓制。
The British colonial government maintained a repressive rule in Hong Kong, tightly controlling the press and restricting freedom of speech.
In March 1952, Ta Kung Pao reprinted a commentary by the People’s Daily on brutalities committed by the British Hong Kong authorities. The paper was convicted of publishing seditious content. A heavy fine was imposed on it, and it was banned from publication.
In August 1967, three newspapers published articles calling on the Hong Kong people to resist oppression. They were ordered to suspend publication for six months, accused of publishing fraudulent and seditious articles, and the newspapers’ owners and printers were sentenced to three years’ imprisonment.

港英當局對華人實行種族歧視，實施嚴刑峻法，長期使用笞刑、絞刑等酷刑；實行“華洋分治”，長期對華人實施宵禁，要求華人晚上外出須持警司簽發(fā)的夜晚通行證，違者處以罰款、拘役、鞭笞、戴枷示眾，甚至可被當場擊斃；除舉行宗教儀式和逢年過節(jié)外，華人未經(jīng)批準不得舉行公眾集會；規(guī)定若干主要地段只可建設歐式房屋，禁止華人遷入；長期禁止華人進入某些場所，不準華人與英國人共用一些公共設施。在司法裁判中，華人備遭歧視，同罪不同罰，常被重判重罰。港英當局禁止愛國師生懸掛中國國旗、唱中國國歌，強行關閉愛國學校，解散愛國團體，遞解愛國人士出境，武力鎮(zhèn)壓抗議活動，拘捕愛國群眾，槍殺示威工人，制造白色恐怖。
Local Chinese residents were subjected to surveillance by British Military Intelligence and the Special Branch of the Hong Kong Police Force. Patriotic social organizations and residents who had close ties with China’s mainland were brutally suppressed.
The British Hong Kong authorities practiced racial discrimination against local Chinese, and imposed harsh laws and severe punishments on them.
Over many years, local Chinese were subjected to inhumane punishments such as flogging and hanging. The authorities practiced separate rule over Chinese and Westerners and imposed curfews on the local Chinese. A Chinese person had to hold a pass issued by the police superintendent when going out at night; violators could be punished by fine, detention, flogging, wearing a cangue in public, and even summary execution.
The local Chinese were not allowed to hold public gatherings without approval, with the exception of religious ceremonies and during holidays.
Only European-style buildings could be built in some downtown areas, and the local Chinese were prohibited from living there.
The local Chinese were long barred from entering some premises and sharing certain public facilities with the British.
In judicial proceedings, the Chinese suffered discrimination and were subjected to different penalties from Westerners for the same offense, and the penalties were often severe.
The authorities prohibited patriotic teachers and students from flying the Chinese national flag and singing the Chinese anthem in schools. Patriotic schools were closed down, patriotic organizations were dissolved, patriotic individuals were deported, protests were brutally suppressed, and patriots were arrested. Workers who staged demonstrations were shot at and some were killed.

華人長期被排斥在港英當局管治架構之外，不能參政議政。1880年才有第一位華人被委任為立法局非官守議員，1926年才有第一位華人被委任為行政局非官守議員，1948年才有第一位華人擔任政務官，1957年才有第一位華人擔任警司，1989年才有第一位華人擔任警務處處長，而律政司一直到1997年香港政權交接前最后時刻仍由英國人掌控。
Local Chinese were long excluded from governance bodies and were denied participation in Hong Kong’s governance.
It was not until 1880 that a Chinese was appointed a non-official member of the Legislative Council.
It was not until 1926 that a Chinese was appointed a non-official member of the Executive Council.
It was not until 1948 that a Chinese held the post of administrative officer.
It was not until 1957 that a Chinese became a police superintendent.
It was not until 1989 that a Chinese served as the commissioner of police.
The post of attorney general was held by a Briton right up until Hong Kong’s return to China.

（二）英國政府屢次禁止在香港進行民主改革
2. The British Government Repeatedly Rejected All Calls for Democratic Reform in Hong Kong

面對香港社會不斷提出的民主訴求，英國政府一概予以拒絕或者置之不理。在很長一段時期，香港社會不斷有人提出設立市議會，或者改組立法局、在立法局設立民選議席，還有要求實行地方自治等，均被英國政府拒絕。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)后，在國際殖民體系迅速瓦解、民主運動風起云涌的情況下，1946年時任總督迫于社會壓力向英國政府建議設立民選市議會、改革地方行政，英國政府仍然拒絕接受。1976年5月20日，英國政府在批準《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》時，通過提出保留的方式，明確排除公約關于定期選舉的規(guī)定在香港適用?？梢姡趁窠y(tǒng)治者不會允許在其統(tǒng)治香港的時候出現(xiàn)民主的元素。
People in Hong Kong made numerous demands for democracy, but the British government rejected or ignored all of them. For example:
Over a prolonged period in Hong Kong, there were repeated calls to establish a municipal council, provide elected seats in the Legislative Council, and restructure the Legislative Council, as well as requests for local autonomy. All were rejected by the British government.
After World War II, the international colonial system collapsed and democratic movements surged across the world. In 1946, under pressure from the Hong Kong people, the then governor Mark Aitchison Young made proposals to the British government to establish an elected municipal council and reform local governance, which, however, were refused.
On May 20, 1976, the British government ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Many of the rights were denied to Hong Kong and other dependencies. Article 25 (b) of the covenant provides the right “to vote and be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot…” However, by means of a specific reservation, the British government explicitly excluded “the establishment of an elected Executive or Legislative Council in Hong Kong”.
It can be seen from all this that under their rule, the British colonial authorities suppressed any democratic elements in Hong Kong.

（三）英國在殖民統(tǒng)治末期急速推進“政制改革”別有用心
3. The Sudden Interest of the British Government in “Electoral Reform” at the End of the Colonial Rule Revealed Its Ulterior Motives

1979年3月，時任香港總督訪京了解到中國政府將收回香港的堅定立場。英國政府于是立即改變其過往在香港發(fā)展民主問題上的反對態(tài)度，迅速著手布局“政制改革”，大幅引入和擴大選舉，在很短時間內(nèi)區(qū)議會和立法局議席均從全部委任驟變?yōu)榇蟛糠钟蛇x舉產(chǎn)生。特別是1992年10月，末任總督剛上任就違反《中華人民共和國政府和大不列顛及北愛爾蘭聯(lián)合王國政府關于香港問題的聯(lián)合聲明》（《中英聯(lián)合聲明》）、違反與《中華人民共和國香港特別行政區(qū)基本法》（基本法）相銜接的原則、違反中英雙方已經(jīng)達成的協(xié)議和諒解，拋出所謂的“政改方案”，并不顧中方堅決反對，強行實施。
In March 1979, the then Hong Kong Governor Murray MacLehose
paid a visit to Beijing and was left in no doubt about the Chinese government’s determination to recover Hong Kong. The British government then suddenly reversed its previous opposition to democratic reform in Hong Kong, and started a major program to introduce and expand electoral processes. Within a very short period, the Hong Kong district councils and the Legislative Council switched from having all their seats appointed to having most of their seats elected. In particular, in October 1992, soon after he took office, Chris Patten, the last Governor, presented a proposal for electoral reform which violated the Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People’s Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong (Sino-British Joint Declaration), violated the principle of aligning Hong Kong’s future political system with the Basic Law, and violated previous agreements and understandings reached between the two sides. Known as the “Three Violations”, these were imposed in Hong Kong in the face of strong opposition from China.

英國自身在確立議會制政體后，其選舉制度經(jīng)歷數(shù)百年漫長的演進和變遷過程。然而，在其殖民統(tǒng)治香港的最后階段如此急切地加速推進“政制改革”，完全是別有用心的政治操弄。作為所謂“光榮撤退”部署的一部分，英國政府以打造英式代議制為幌子，企圖把香港變成獨立或半獨立的政治實體，阻礙中國對香港恢復行使主權并實行有效管治，延續(xù)英國對香港回歸后的政治影響。
After the establishment of the parliamentary system, the electoral system of the UK experienced hundreds of years of evolution, but the British government rushed through electoral reform in Hong Kong in the very short remaining period of the colonial rule. Its ulterior motives were obvious. In fact, this was part of a British attempt to portray their withdrawal as somehow “honorable” under a veneer of “British-style representative democracy”. The intention was to undermine China’s sovereignty and full governance and extend British political influence after Hong Kong’s return to China, by turning Hong Kong into a de facto independent or semi-independent political entity.

英國殖民統(tǒng)治的罪惡及其屢次拒絕在香港發(fā)展民主的事實，無論怎樣掩飾也改變不了。英國殖民統(tǒng)治不但沒有給香港帶來任何真正的民主，反而為香港回歸祖國后民主的發(fā)展埋下了禍根。
The vicious nature of British colonial rule and the British government’s repeated refusal to develop democracy in Hong Kong cannot be concealed or changed. The colonial rule did not bring any genuine democracy to Hong Kong; instead, it laid hidden snares for the development of democracy in Hong Kong after its return to China.