美國國務(wù)院為我提供了大約2.5萬美元學(xué)習(xí)漢語。作為高中NSLI-Y獎學(xué)金和大學(xué)“重要語言獎學(xué)金”獲得者，我在中國同寄宿家庭一起生活了兩個夏天，每天學(xué)習(xí)九小時漢語。讀本科時，我花了大約2000小時的課堂時間堅持學(xué)習(xí)漢語。說實話，我在我的漢語能力上還是小有投入的。

The U.S. State Department has invested some $25,000 in enabling me to study Mandarin Chinese. As a recipient of the NSLI-Y scholarship in high school, and then the Critical Language Scholarship in college, I lived in China for two summers with host families, studying Mandarin for nine hours a day. Tack on to that the approximately 2,000 classroom hours I spent learning Mandarin as an undergraduate, and it seems fair to say that a small fortune of resources has been invested in my Mandarin ability.

然而，即使有這一大筆錢，我仍然用了很大力氣來達到流利的程度。目前還不清楚，將來我的職業(yè)生涯中會不會經(jīng)常用到我的語言技能。這讓我思考，國務(wù)院是希望有什么樣的投資回報呢？到底是什么驅(qū)使我練習(xí)發(fā)音，記住漢字呢？

Yet even with this hefty sum, I still have strides to make in achieving fluency, and it's unclear whether I'll use my language skills regularly in my career. This leads me to reflect: what return on investment was the State Department hoping for? What is it that drives me to drill tones and memorize characters?

許多人一下子就能指出，語言技能在競爭日趨激烈的職場中的價值所在。確實如此，但我不太情愿把學(xué)習(xí)漢語所帶來的收入上的好處，與我自己的目標和打算綁在一起。這項投資的意義，最好是在更大的關(guān)系——聯(lián)系我們兩個國家的政治、文化，當然還有經(jīng)濟——背景下來理解。

Many people are quick to point out the value of language skills in an increasingly competitive workforce. While certainly true, I am reluctant to perceive of the primary benefit of learning Mandarin as a financial one tied to my own ends and means. The significance of the investment is best appreciated within the context of the larger ties –political, cultural and yes, economic– that bind our two countries.

今天，約3.5億中國學(xué)生在學(xué)英語，相比之下只有20萬美國學(xué)生在學(xué)漢語。2009年，奧巴馬總統(tǒng)試圖通過推出“十萬強”計劃，在五年內(nèi)送10萬美國學(xué)生到中國學(xué)習(xí)，從而解決這個巨大差距。2015年，奧巴馬總統(tǒng)和習(xí)近平主席共同宣布“百萬強”計劃，建議到2020年使美國學(xué)習(xí)漢語的學(xué)生人數(shù)增加到100萬（約占美國學(xué)生總數(shù)的2%）。雙方對語言交流的承諾力度很大，但卻經(jīng)常缺少具體的辦法進行有關(guān)的理性對話。

Today, about 350 million Chinese students are studying English, compared to 200,000 American students studying Chinese. In 2009, President Obama sought to address this massive discrepancy by launching the “100,000 Strong Initiative” to send 100,000 American students to study abroad in China within five years. Then, in 2015, President Obama and President Xi jointly announced “1 Million Strong”, a proposal to increase the number of Americans studying Chinese to 1 million students (about 2 percent of the total number of U.S. students) by the year 2020. This bilateral commitment to language exchange is powerful, but the surrounding dialogue on rationale often lacks a nuanced approach.

人們交談中最先提到的，是語言交流的經(jīng)濟意義。做個快速調(diào)查，“為什么對美國人來說學(xué)習(xí)漢語很重要”？絕大多數(shù)回答都在強調(diào)說，要在美國培養(yǎng)一代“中國通”領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者，以便抓住中國經(jīng)濟蓬勃發(fā)展的機遇。中國是美國超過1100億美元產(chǎn)品的出口目的地，中國人民大學(xué)教授李泉說的簡單明了：“我們現(xiàn)在是主要經(jīng)濟體……全世界明白，中國很長時間內(nèi)會是一個強國，因此學(xué)習(xí)語言是必需的?！?/p>

The economic implications of language exchange are at the forefront of the conversation. Do a quick search, “Why is it important for Americans to learn Mandarin?” and the vast majority of the results emphasize creating a generation of 'China-savvy' American leaders ready to seize the opportunities of the burgeoning Chinese economy, slated as a destination for more than $110 billion in U.S. exports. Professor Li Quan of Renmin University put it succinctly when he said, “We are now a major economy…The world understands that China is going to be a force for a long time, so learning the language is essential.”

有些人很快指出，漢語取代英語作為國際商務(wù)語言的可能性微乎其微，理由是，英語已在全球普及，眾多中國學(xué)生已經(jīng)學(xué)習(xí)英語，而非母語人士學(xué)習(xí)漢語困難重重。也因此，漢語興起之說未免顯得夸張。但這些懷疑者不得不承認，學(xué)習(xí)一門外語有許多無法量化的好處。

Some are quick to point out that the odds of Mandarin ever replacing English as the language of international business are slim to none, citing the prevalence of English globally, the high volume of Chinese students already learning English, and the difficulty non-native speakers have in learning Mandarin as reasons why the rise of Mandarin appears hyperbolic. Still, these skeptics will begrudgingly admit, learning a foreign language has many benefits that are less quantifiable.

語言遠不僅是溝通的能力。外語學(xué)習(xí)還可以提升同理心、加強認知發(fā)展，并更有創(chuàng)見性地洞察人類狀況。越來越多的研究表明，這些裨益也適用于接觸多種語言的人，而不只是語言說得流利的人。

Language is about much more than just the ability to communicate. Foreign language study is tied to increased levels of empathy, enhanced cognitive development, and more creative insight on the human condition. Increasingly, research shows that these benefits also apply to those with exposure to multiple languages, and not just those who achieve fluency.

語言學(xué)習(xí)帶來的技能，特別是同理心，可以讓商務(wù)會談和外交國事訪問有更好的結(jié)果。當你在談判桌上講別人的語言時，就是在含蓄表達你的合作愿望。在日益全球化的世界上，美中關(guān)系仍然是首要話題，確保合作，增進了解，比以往任何時候都更重要。

The skills that come with language study, especially empathy, can lead to better outcomes in business meetings and diplomatic state visits alike: when you come to the table speaking the others' language, you implicitly demonstrate your desire to cooperate. In our increasingly globalized world, where U.S.-China relations continue to be a topic of chief concern, ensuring cooperation and increased understanding is more important than ever.

作為動蕩時代的標記，今年早些時候，哈佛大學(xué)肯尼迪學(xué)院的格雷厄姆·阿利森教授出版了《注定一戰(zhàn)：美國與中國能否避開修昔底德陷阱》。古希臘歷史學(xué)家修昔底德注意到，災(zāi)難性的伯羅奔尼撒戰(zhàn)爭，“正是雅典崛起，而斯巴達為此內(nèi)心恐懼，戰(zhàn)爭才不可避免”。在這本書中，阿利森把修昔底德的框架，擴大到500年來崛起國家對守成國家的16次類似威脅。在這16次當中，有12次發(fā)生戰(zhàn)爭。對那些接受阿利森觀點，認為中國和美國適用這一模式的人來說，這是一個令人沮喪的，不，是可怕的統(tǒng)計結(jié)果。

As a sign of the tumultuous times, earlier this year Professor Graham Allison of the Harvard Kennedy School released Destined for War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides's Trap? The ancient Greek historian Thucydides observed of the devastating Peloponnesian War, “it was the rise of Athens and the fear that this instilled in Sparta that made war inevitable.” In the book, Allison extends Thucydides's framework to include sixteen times over the last 500 years in which a rising power similarly threatened an established state. Of those sixteen times, war occurred in twelve: a dismaying, nay, terrifying statistic for those who adopt Allison's view that China and the U.S. fit into this mold.

如果覺得阿利森的說法聳人聽聞，就不必相信美中必有一戰(zhàn)，而要相信美中可持續(xù)的關(guān)系才是穩(wěn)定世界秩序的關(guān)鍵。同樣顯而易見的是，中國的迅速崛起讓美國不“舒服”，最近幾屆政府模棱兩可的言辭證明了這一點。特朗普總統(tǒng)對中國的第一個行動是與臺灣總統(tǒng)蔡英文通電話，公然反抗北京的“一個中國”政策，幾個星期后他屈服了，公開承認他在電話里向習(xí)近平主席承諾遵守“一中”政策。即便那些以前認為搞實力外交是正當手段的人，這個先例也讓他們憂心不已。

If Allison's argument feels sensational, one need not believe in the imminent prospect of a U.S.-China war to accept that sustainable relations between the U.S. and China are crucial to a stable world order. It is also clear that the U.S. is not yet 'comfortable' with a rapidly rising China, as evidenced by the hedging discourse of recent administrations. President Trump's first move with China was to brazenly refute Beijing's 'One China' policy through a phone call with Taiwanese president Tsai Ing-wen, only to cave a few weeks later when he publicly affirmed his commitment to the policy on a call with President Xi. This precedent should worry even those who previously thought that diplomacy through strength was a sound approach.

對中美兩國來說，一個互惠互利的未來是建立在理解、尊重和認同之上的。自從尼克松總統(tǒng)1972年進行了開拓性的訪問，美國走過了漫長道路，前方仍有很長的路要走。語言交流可以照亮道路，提供文化洞察力，支撐我們共同的立場。

A mutually beneficial future for the U.S. and China will be built upon understanding, respect and recognition. The U.S. has come a long way since President Nixon's seminal 1972 visit, but there is still a long road ahead. Language exchange can illuminate the path – providing cultural insight and bolstering the common ground we stand on.

作為本科生，我曾在華盛頓的一個兩黨研究智庫實習(xí)。頭一個月，我參加了在國會的一個論壇，名為“中國新國家安全法意味著什么”。我從國會雷伯恩辦公樓拾級而上，為能向尊敬的中國法律學(xué)者代表團學(xué)習(xí)感到興奮。大約50名代表國會主要辦公室的工作人員也參加了論壇。

As an undergraduate, I interned in Washington, D.C. at a bipartisan think tank. In the first month, I attended a forum on Capitol Hill: China's New National Security Law: What Does It Mean? I walked up the stairs of the Rayburn Senate building excited to learn from the distinguished delegation of Chinese legal scholars. Around fifty staff members, representing major Congressional offices, were also attending the forum.

一個小時后，我想起托馬斯·杰斐遜給女兒的信中寫的：“政治真是一種折磨，我建議所有我愛的人不要摻合進來?！蔽遗d奮地想觀察外交行為，聆聽世界最復(fù)雜、最強大國家代表之間的對話，然而我所目睹的是一個小時的瑣碎指責(zé)、爭論，是固執(zhí)的個人表達，而沒有傾聽。這是一次令人沮喪的經(jīng)歷，但也頗有啟發(fā)，讓我思考這種無效對話的根源和改進辦法。

An hour later, I was thinking of Thomas Jefferson's line in a letter to his daughter: “Politics is such a torment that I would advise everyone I love not to mix with it.” Where I had been excited to watch diplomacy in action and hear dialogue between representatives from the world's most complex and powerful nations, I had instead witnessed an hour of petty accusations, argument, and individuals constantly trying to assert their opinion, rather than listen. It was a discouraging experience, but also an enlightening one, that gave me cause to reflect on the roots and remedies of this ineffective dialogue.

當我的大腦對花費數(shù)小時記憶語法、或譯讀一段文字發(fā)出抗議時，讓我堅持下來的，并不是我的語言技能擁有潛在的經(jīng)濟好處。學(xué)習(xí)漢語是我能想到的最謙遜方式，去接觸中國這個擁有5000年復(fù)雜歷史的國家。

When my brain protests the hours spent memorizing grammar patterns or deciphering a single paragraph, it is not the economic potential of my language skills that leads me to persist. Studying Mandarin is the most humble way I can conceive of to approach China, a nation with 5,000 years of complex history.

作為一個語言學(xué)習(xí)者，我深深意識到，我們兩國的相互依存，要靠以漢語為母語的人們的慷慨與支持。憑借語言優(yōu)勢，我體驗了中國的美好、好客以及深奧而精細的不同之處。文化交流和漢語學(xué)習(xí)并不能為中美面臨的嚴峻政策挑戰(zhàn)提供明確的解決辦法，但學(xué)習(xí)漢語的經(jīng)歷養(yǎng)成我持久的好奇心，讓我致力于理解和尊重。這就是起點。

As a language learner, I am acutely aware of our two countries' inter-dependency, relying on the generosity and support of native Mandarin speakers. From this vantage point, I have experienced the beauty, hospitality and profound nuance of China. Cultural exchange and Mandarin study do not provide clear-cut answers to the serious policy challenges China and the U.S. face, but my experience studying Mandarin has instilled an abiding sense of curiosity and a commitment to understanding and respect – and that's a start.

（作者：米凱拉·史密斯，來源：中美聚焦網(wǎng)，編輯：Helen）