In each case, we built coalitions to respond to a specific challenge. Now we need to do more to strengthen the institutions that can anticipate and prevent problems from spreading.

For example, NATO is the strongest alliance the world has ever known but we’re now working with NATO allies to meet new missions both within Europe, where our eastern allies must be reassured, but also beyond Europe’s borders, where our NATO allies must pull their weight to counterterrorism and respond to failed states and train a network of partners.

Likewise, the U.N. provides a platform to keep the peace in states torn apart by conflict. Now, we need to make sure that those nations who provide peacekeepers have the training and equipment to actually keep the peace so that we can prevent the type of killing we’ve seen in Congo and Sudan. We are going to deepen our investment in countries that support these peacekeeping missions because having other nations maintain order in their own neighborhoods lessens the need for us to put our own troops in harm’s way. It’s a smart investment. It’s the right way to lead. (Applause.)

Keep in mind, not all international norms relate directly to armed conflict. We have a serious problem with cyberattacks, which is why we’re working to shape and enforce rules of the road to secure our networks and our citizens. In the Asia Pacific, we’re supporting Southeast Asian nations as they negotiate a code of conduct with China on maritime disputes in the South China Sea, and we’re working to resolve these disputes through international law.

That spirit of cooperation needs to energize the global effort to combat climate change, a creeping national security crisis that will help shape your time in uniform, as we are called on to respond to refugee flows and natural disasters, and conflicts over water and food, which is why, next year, I intend to make sure America is out front in putting together a global framework to preserve our planet.

You see, American influence is always stronger when we lead by example. We cannot exempt ourselves from the rules that apply to everyone else. We can’t call on others to make commitments to combat climate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it is taking place. We can’t try to resolve problems in the South China Sea when we have refused to make sure that the Law of the Sea Convention is ratified by the United States Senate, despite the fact that our top military leaders say the treaty advances our national security. That’s not leadership. That’s retreat. That’s not strength; that’s weakness. It would be utterly foreign to leaders like Roosevelt and Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy.

I believe in American exceptionalism with every fiber of my being. But what makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law; it is our willingness to affirm them through our actions.(Applause.)

And that’s why I will continue to push to close Gitmo, because American values and legal traditions do not permit the indefinite detention of people beyond our borders. (Applause.) That’s why we’re putting in place new restrictions on how America collects and uses intelligence -- because we will have fewer partners and be less effective if a perception takes hold that we’re conducting surveillance against ordinary citizens. (Applause.) America does not simply stand for stability or the absence of conflict, no matter what the cost; we stand for the more lasting peace that can only come through opportunity and freedom for people everywhere -- which brings me to the fourth and final element of American leadership: our willingness to act on behalf of human dignity.

America’s support for democracy and human rights goes beyond idealism; it is a matter of national security. Democracies are our closest friends and are far less likely to go to war. Economies based on free and open markets perform better and become markets for our goods. Respect for human rights is an antidote to instability and the grievances that fuel violence and terror.

A new century has brought no end to tyranny. In capitals around the globe -- including, unfortunately, some of America’s partners -- there has been a crackdown on civil society. The cancer of corruption has enriched too many governments and their cronies and enraged citizens from remote villages to iconic squares.

And watching these trends, or the violent upheavals in parts of the Arab world, it’s easy to be cynical. But remember that because of America’s efforts -- because of American diplomacy and foreign assistance, as well as the sacrifices of our military -- more people live under elected governments today than at any time in human history. Technology is empowering civil society in ways that no iron fist can control. New breakthroughs are lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. And even the upheaval of the Arab world reflects the rejection of an authoritarian order that was anything but stable, and now offers the long-term prospect of more responsive and effective governance.

In countries like Egypt, we acknowledge that our relationship is anchored in security interests, from peace treaties to Israel to shared efforts against violent extremism. So we have not cut off cooperation with the new government, but we can and will persistently press for reforms that the Egyptian people have demanded.

And meanwhile, look at a country like Myanmar, which only a few years ago was an intractable dictatorship and hostile to the United States. Forty million people. Thanks to the enormous courage of the people in that country, and because we took the diplomatic initiative, American leadership, we have seen political reforms opening a once- closed society; a movement by Myanmar leadership away from partnership with North Korea in favor of engagement with America and our allies.

We’re now supporting reform and badly needed national reconciliation through assistance and investment, through coaxing and, at times, public criticism. And progress there could be reversed, but if Myanmar succeeds we will have gained a new partner without having fired a shot -- American leadership.

In each of these cases, we should not expect change to happen overnight. That’s why we form alliances -- not only with governments, but also with ordinary people. For unlike other nations, America is not afraid of individual empowerment. We are strengthened by it. We’re strengthened by civil society. We’re strengthened by a free press. We’re strengthened by striving entrepreneurs and small businesses. We’re strengthened by educational exchange and opportunity for all people and women and girls. That’s who we are. That’s what we represent. (Applause.)

I saw that through a trip to Africa last year, where American assistance has made possible the prospect of an AIDS-free generation, while helping Africans care themselves for their sick. We’re helping farmers get their products to market to feed populations once endangered by famine. We aim to double access to electricity in sub- Saharan Africa so people are connected to the promise of the global economy. And all this creates new partners and shrinks the space for terrorism and conflict.

Now, tragically, no American security operation can eradicate the threat posed by an extremist group like Boko Haram -- the group that kidnapped those girls.

And that’s we have to focus not just on rescuing those girls right away, but also on supporting Nigerian efforts to educate its youth. This should be one of the hard-earned lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan, where our military became the strongest advocate for diplomacy and development. They understood that foreign assistance is not an afterthought -- something nice to do apart from our national defense, apart from our national security. It is part of what makes us strong.

Now, ultimately, global leadership requires us to see the world as it is, with all its danger and uncertainty. We have to be prepared for the worst, prepared for every contingency, but American leadership also requires us to see the world as it should be -- a place where the aspirations of individual human beings really matters, where hopes and not just fears govern; where the truths written into our founding documents can steer the currents of history in the direction of justice. And we cannot do that without you.

Class of 2014, you have taken this time to prepare on the quiet banks of the Hudson. You leave this place to carry forward a legacy that no other military in human history can claim. You do so as part of a team that extends beyond your units or even our Armed Forces, for in the course of your service, you will work as a team with diplomats and development experts.

You’ll get to know allies and train partners. And you will embody what it means for America to lead the world.

Next week I will go to Normandy to honor the men who stormed the beaches there. And while it’s hard for many Americans to comprehend the courage and sense of duty that guided those who boarded small ships, it’s familiar to you. At West Point, you define what it means to be a patriot.

Three years ago Gavin White graduated from this academy. He then served in Afghanistan. Like the soldiers who came before him, Gavin was in a foreign land, helping people he’d never met, putting himself in harm’s way for the sake of his community and his family and the folks back home. Gavin lost one of his legs in an attack. I met him last year at Walter Reed. He was wounded but just as determined as the day that he arrived here at West Point. And he developed a simple goal. Today his sister Morgan will graduate. And true to his promise, Gavin will be there to stand and exchange salutes with her. (Cheers, applause.)

We have been through a long season of war. We have faced trials that were not foreseen and we’ve seen divisions about how to move forward. But there is something in Gavin’s character, there is something in the American character, that will always triumph.

Leaving here, you carry with you the respect of your fellow citizens. You will represent a nation with history and hope on our side. Your charge now is not only to protect our country, but to do what is right and just. As your commander in chief, I know you will. May God bless you. May God bless our men and women in uniform. And may God bless the United States of America. (Cheers, applause.)

  對于不同的事件，我們會建立不同的聯(lián)盟以應對不同的挑戰(zhàn)?，F(xiàn)在我們需要做更多來加強這些機構預測和預防問題擴散的能力。

比如，眾所周知，北大西洋公約組織是世界上最強大的聯(lián)盟之一，但是我們現(xiàn)在同它進行合作，以應對其在歐洲內(nèi)部和其他地區(qū)的新任務。在歐洲內(nèi)部，我們的東部盟國必須獲得保護。而在其他地區(qū)，我們北大西洋公約組織的盟國也必須有效地進行反恐活動，幫助失利的國家并培養(yǎng)我們的伙伴國。

同樣地，聯(lián)合國提供了一個平臺，以維護那些因沖突而分裂的國家的和平?，F(xiàn)在，我們需要確保那些提供了維和人員的國家已接受了訓練，配齊了裝備，能夠真正維護和平，這樣我們就能防止我們在剛果和蘇丹看到的那種殺戮。我們會加大對這些支持維和行動國家的投資。因為令其他國家用自己的力量維持自己地盤的秩序，可以減少我們使用武力造成傷害的必要性。這是智慧的投資。這也是我們正確的領導之路。（掌聲雷動）

但是要記住，不是所有的國際準則都與軍事沖突直接相關。我們面臨著網(wǎng)絡黑客攻擊問題，這也是我們致力于實施和加強在網(wǎng)絡中的行為準則，以保護我們的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)和我們的公民的原因。在亞太地區(qū)，我們支持東南亞國家同中國協(xié)商在中國南海海事糾紛中的行為準則，同時我們也支持通過國際法解決這些糾紛。

我們需要用合作的精神激勵全球努力應對氣候變化，這是一個日益嚴重的國家安全危機，決定你們從軍期間的整體形勢。我們要應對難民流動、自然災害，水資源和食物的問題。這也是我下一年計劃確保美國能夠帶頭建立一個保護我們星球的全球框架的原因。

大家知道，但凡美國以身說法，實現(xiàn)領導，美國的影響力就會加大。大家都普遍遵循的規(guī)則，我們不能不遵守；如果我們多數(shù)領導人否認氣候變化這一事實，我們也就無法號召大家齊心協(xié)力，共對氣候變化。雖然我國軍方高層領導人都認為《海洋法公約》的通過會提高我國的國家安全，但如果我們無法確保美國參議院通過該公約，我們也就無法解決中國南海問題。這都不是領導，是退縮；不是強大，是軟弱。這與羅斯福，杜魯門，艾森豪威爾，肯尼迪等領導人的風格截然相反。

我對美國例外主義深信不疑。但讓我們例外的并不是美國通過實際行動重申國際準則與國際法，而是我們愿意通過實際行動彰顯這些國際準則。（掌聲）

這是我堅持推進關閉關塔那摩監(jiān)獄的原因，美國價值觀與法律傳統(tǒng)不容許在美國境外無限期關押人員。（掌聲）這是我們近來限制美國情報收集與使用方式的原因，如果美國一意孤行，繼續(xù)監(jiān)控普通民眾的話，美國的合作伙伴勢必會減少，效率勢必會更為低下。（掌聲）美國并不支持不惜任何代價維護穩(wěn)定或消除沖突；我們支持擁護唯有機遇與自由可以為世界各國人民帶來的更為持久的和平。這是我要談的美國領導力量的第四個、也是最后一個要素，那就是我們愿為人類尊嚴而努力奮斗。

美國對民主與人權的主張勝過對理想主義的追求；這是關乎國家安全的大計。民主國家是美國最親密的盟友，民主國家絕不可能走向戰(zhàn)爭?；谧杂砷_放的經(jīng)濟體發(fā)揮著更加積極的作用，也逐漸成為我國產(chǎn)品的目的市場。尊重人權有利于改善動蕩局勢，緩和不滿情緒，遏制暴力及恐怖的滋生。

新世紀早已到來，暴政卻還未終結。不幸地，在一些國家，包括美國的伙伴國家在內(nèi)，鎮(zhèn)壓依然存在于公民社會中。腐敗的毒瘤養(yǎng)富了政府官員及其裙帶密友，但也激怒了全國各地的普通民眾。

想想這些現(xiàn)實潮流，想想阿拉伯世界的暴力動亂，我們很容易變得憤世嫉俗。但要記住，是美國的努力奮斗，美國的外交政策，美國的對外援助，還有美國軍人的無私奉獻，使得更多人在民選政府的管理之下安居樂業(yè)，這在歷史上無可比擬。科技賦予公民社會更多權利，這也是鐵臂金剛所控制不了的。得益于科技新突破，千百萬人擺脫貧困。甚至是阿拉伯世界的動亂也反映了人們對動蕩獨裁秩序的摒棄，也產(chǎn)生了對一個更為有求必應的更有效率政府管理的長期愿景。

在埃及這樣的國家，我們承認從和平條約到與以色列共同對抗暴力極端主義等安全利益方面，我們的關系停滯不前。我們沒有切斷與埃及新政府的往來合作，但我們有能力，也會堅持推進埃及人民要求的各項改革措施。

同時，再看看緬甸，僅僅幾年前還是頑固獨裁之地，還對美國持敵對態(tài)度。多虧四千萬緬甸人的巨大勇氣，多虧美國主動開啟的外交之旅，多虧美國領導力量的共同作用，我們看到了可喜的政治變革，看到了一個曾經(jīng)閉關的社會重新開放；緬甸領導人避與朝鮮合作，為的是實現(xiàn)與美國及美國同盟更好的交流往來。

現(xiàn)在，通過投資援助、公開批評與感召勸服，我們支持緬甸改革、支持緬甸人民渴望的民族和解。發(fā)展進程可能會倒退逆轉(zhuǎn)，如果不費一兵一卒，如果緬甸取得成功，我們也就多了個合作伙伴，這就是美國的領導力量。

任何時候我們不能指望改變一蹴而就。所以我們必須結盟，不僅與政府結盟，也與普通民眾結成盟友。與其他國家不同，美國從不畏懼個人力量，而是從中汲取能量。公民社會，自由輿論，創(chuàng)業(yè)人才，小型企業(yè)，教育交流以及針對全社會面向婦女兒童敞開的機會之門無一不是我們的力量之源。這就是美國人，這才是美國夢。

去年的非洲之行讓我看到美國向非洲伸出援手，治病救人，使得一代非洲人遠離艾滋的愿景成為可能。我們幫助當?shù)剞r(nóng)民銷售農(nóng)產(chǎn)品，令倍受饑荒折磨的人們不再挨餓。我們?yōu)槿龉阅系姆侵薜貐^(qū)帶去光明，讓全球經(jīng)濟的累累碩果惠及當?shù)匕傩?。如此一來，既催生了新的合作伙伴，也搗毀了恐怖主義與暴力沖突的溫床。

遺憾的是，目前美國安全行動還未能根除由極端組織帶來的威脅，例如綁架女童的博科圣地（Boko Haram）。

我們要做的不僅是解救被困女童，還應支持尼日利亞發(fā)展青年教育事業(yè)。我們在伊拉克與阿富汗的寶貴經(jīng)驗表明美軍已成為外交與發(fā)展最強勁的倡導者。戰(zhàn)士們都明白對外援助并非事后諸葛亮，而是和國防及國土安全一樣不可偏廢的崇高事業(yè)。我們也因此變得強大。

現(xiàn)在，最后我要說引領全球的使命要求我們直視這個充滿危險與動蕩的世界。除了未雨綢繆，防患于未然，我們別無選擇，但這并不妨礙我們勾畫未來世界的藍圖——人人心懷希望，凡事不再畏懼，讓寫入憲章的真理引領我們在通往正義的大道上勇往直前。這一切就看你們的了。

各位2014屆畢業(yè)生，過去的你們是哈德遜河畔（西點軍校所在地）的學子，而今后離開象牙塔的你們將承載這份榮耀延續(xù)美國軍隊的輝煌。作為部隊的一員，每一位履行職責的你們終將匯聚成美國武裝部隊，因為在這一過程中，你們實際上是在同外交官與發(fā)展專家并肩作戰(zhàn)。

你們將結識盟友，培養(yǎng)搭檔，用你們的實際行動告訴世界對美國來說領導世界意味著什么。

下周，我將參加諾曼底登陸70周年紀念活動。盡管許多美國人難以對諾曼底號船員的魄力與責任感感同身受，但是你們可以。在西點軍校，愛國者的形象由你們來塑造。

3年前，加文?懷特（Gavin White）從西點畢業(yè)，前往阿富汗服役。和每一位投身阿富汗前線的士兵一樣，加文背井離鄉(xiāng)，幫助素未謀面的當?shù)厝?，為了軍隊，家人和美國人民的利益不辭勞苦。加文在一次戰(zhàn)斗中不幸失去一條腿。去年我在沃爾特?里德(Walter Reed)陸軍醫(yī)療中心見過他。盡管負了傷，他仍然像剛進西點時一樣，不忘初心，并且立下另一個志愿。 今天，他的妹妹摩根（Morgan）也將從這里畢業(yè)。加文終于能夠兌現(xiàn)當初的承諾，和妹妹互敬軍禮。

我們經(jīng)歷了戰(zhàn)爭的洗禮，經(jīng)受過突如其來的考驗，開辟出前進的道路。但是有一樣東西烙在加文的骨子里，鐫刻在美國人與生俱來的品質(zhì)中，使得我們所向披靡。

你們心系祖國人民，離開西點。你們代表的是一個歷經(jīng)風雨，躊躇滿志的美國。你們的使命不僅是保家衛(wèi)國，更是伸張正義。身為最高統(tǒng)帥，我對你們充滿信心。愿上帝保佑你們，保佑美國公民，保佑美利堅合眾國。（歡呼，掌聲）

（中國日報網(wǎng)英語點津 Helen 編輯）